中共近兩年來雖然利用亞洲金融風暴之機，凸顯其在區域內之經 濟實力與貢獻，並在「大國外交」策略之搭配下，逐漸提昇其綜合國 力及對世局之影響力。但是其內部之紛紛擾擾卻有增未減，尤其改革 陷入困局，更已成為其權力鬥爭之溫床。1999 年為中共多事之秋的一 年。回顧年來政局，北約轟炸大使館事件使美、「中」關係陷於低 潮，「特殊的國與國關係」提出後造成兩岸關係惡化，加以經改不 順，高層不睦，朱鎔基為之倦勤，復發生法輪功事件。這些重大事件 使其內部存有矛盾，紛擾不斷，中共如何在民族主義狂熱與黨內政治 矛盾激化這兩者之間尋找平衡點，在在考驗著中共領導人的智慧，亦 是其必須謹慎「駕馭」的「複雜局面」。 大陸改革開放 20 年，雖為中共政權之壯大積累了相當的能量，但 也促使其必須面對全球化、民主化、資訊化的衝擊與激盪。中共已不 能自外於國際社會。基於為兩岸之良性互動作深遠設想，雙方亟應表 達善意，儘早化解分歧，存異求同，捐棄成見，雙方主動在兩岸加入 ＷＴＯ、我方總統大選後，表達善意，積極共創「雙贏」局面，這將 是全體中國人民之福祉。

Mainland China asserted itself as a major economic power during the last Asian financial crisis as well as an influential state with considerable capacity in a "big country diplomacy" context. On the other hand, Mainland China has been bogged down by its internal affairs, particularly by its economic reform, which set the stage for power struggle. On the whole, 1999 was not a good year for Mainland China: NATO's inadvertent bombing of Chinese embassy in Belgrad plunged US-PRC relations to a low ebb; Taiwan's "special state-to-state relationship" assertion soured the cross-strait relations; frustrated economic reform and top leadership suspicion despaired Premier Zhu Rongji. Topping all these difficulties was the Falungong incident. Striking a balance between nationalism and political stability remains a tough test for top leaders' wisdom and that task cannot be evaded. After 20 years of reform, Mainland China has accumulated considerable state capacity. Yet it still has to face the challenges of globalization, democratization and information epoch. Mainland China can no longer exclude itself from international community. Both sides of the Taiwan Strait should display good will to each other and be willing to resolve differences and to seek consensus. Their willingness to resume dialogue in WTO framework after Taiwan's presidential election in 2000 would be a good starting point for the attainment of a "win-win" outcome.