本研究意在追索阿里山鄒族傳統kuba之構築形貌、功能與意義，及其後的變遷，並追問這些變易的原因。經過對相關理論之回顧，研究者提出一個「文化社群之居住文化體系內部機制與外部衝擊」之理論架構，藉以檢視本研究對象。 　　經過文獻回顧、影像、建築圖面比對研究，並以時間排序，研究者發現阿里山鄒族的傳統kuba在建築學者千千岩助太郎一九三六年較精確之測繪調查前，其實存在一個「傳統期」的形貌。傳統的kuba是阿里山鄒族各氏族合力興築、維護之建物，供大社之男子平日聚會、訓練以及夜宿的中心場所，一旦有戰事，kuba是出草的準備起點，它亦是得勝舉行慶功祭以及每年舉行mayasvi（戰祭）之場所。在傳統文化象徵體系中，kuba是大小社居住之各氏族團結的具體象徵。在喻意上，其高架、赤榕聖樹、木槲蘭聖草更意味著：超凡／部落男性／隱涵的女神可迎接真正的男性天神，構成部落「生命之火」的終極象徵，以相對於包容氏族「生命之火」，而蘊藏男／女性、小米神／獵神同體、非高架的「家屋」（emoo）（只有獸骨是高架的）。換言之，「傳統期」kuba非但與鄒族社會文化緊緊相扣，又是其文化象徵體系之一具象叢結。 　　然而，或因族人與日人保持良好的關係，雖受「皇民化」政策之要求，卻仍以各氏族合作維護kuba，舉辦戰祭，使「傳統」得以延續。光復初期雖受基督教、白色迫害衝擊，產業也有所改變，氏族的團結仍使kuba、戰祭維持一個「形式化期」，儘管與部落男性現實現代生活無關。然而一九八○年代臺灣民主化政治氛圍漸濃、觀光事業興起，促使達邦、特富野支群氏族之團結擴及整個鄒族之團結，kuba與戰祭象徵族群認同之意義大大提高，kuba之形貌也增加了復古與裝飾元素，很快地由「展演期」進入「復振期」。

The study aims to investigate the Alisan Tsou's traditional kuba (man's house), its construction method, space & form, and changing process, as well as its meaning and the reason behind the transformation. During the course of this study and after reviewing relevant theories, the researcher proposes a theoretical framework called "the inner mechanism and outer impacts of a socio-cultural group's dwelling culture configuration." After literature review and historical images examination, the researcher finds that before Professor Chichiwa's survey and recording, Alisan Tsou's kuba actually had had a "traditional form." The traditional kuba is a meeting place of main settlement, where males gathered and trained, as well as for night accommodation. Whenever there were fighting among tribes, kuba became the place, from where an expeditionary force was sent. It is also the stage holding annual mayasvi (ceremony of fighting) and ritual of victory after winning a fight. In the Tsou's cultural symbolic system, kuba is not only the symbol of consolidation among main and satellite settlements where groups of clans live. In term of metaphorical meaning, piled kuba with sacred yono (fig tree) and fiteu (wild orchid leaves) imply that in such a sacred realm, the tribe's male and hidden Goddess are welcoming God, (Hamo) from the heaven. In that sense, kuba becomes an ultimate symbol of "the fire of tribe's life," in contrast to emoo (house) as the "fire of clan's life" which accommodates the male/ female realms and millet goddess/hunting god under one roof, but no piled except those wood frame for holding animal skulls. In the traditional period, kuba not only coincides with the Tsou's culture and social life, but also symbolizes a physical complex of their socio-cultural symbolic system. During the period of being forced to be acculturated, probably because the Tsou kept a good relationship with the Japanese, all of the clans still cooperatively maintained kuba, and held mayasvi, thus maintained their Tsou tradition. After World War II, inspit of Christian influense and Kuomintang's "White Terror," as well as changes of production mode, Alisan Tsou never the less kept their clans together and constantly maintained kuba and the simplified mayasvi too. All of these formed "a period of formalism" of kuba, since it didn't contain a collective life of males in the tribe anymore. Due to the island-wide democratic progress and the development of tourism in 1980s, the solidity among Tapan and Tufuya groups expanded to all the Tsou ethnic group. The symbolic meaning of kuba and mayasvi referring to ethnic group's identity has been highly promoted. Adding more traditional elements and decorations to its newly remodels, kuba soon merges from its "period of display" to "period of revival" during tle past ten years.

阿里山、鄒族、男子會所、轉型、變遷、重構

Mount Ali, the Tsou, kuba, Transformation, Change, Reconstruct