本文藉由歷年人口動態統計與8個平埔村落(涵蓋噶瑪蘭、道卡斯、巴宰、西拉雅、馬卡道等族)的戶口檔案，分析1905-1945年間平埔原住民與漢人相互通婚的比率。從全島層次來看，只有極低比率的漢人與平埔原住民通婚：福佬人不到0.5%、客家人不到1%。平埔原住民則有三分之一左右與漢人通婚。如此，跨族通婚可使漢人對平埔社群產生很大影響；平埔原住民對漢人社群的影響卻是杯水車薪。不過，由於各地人口結構與族群關係迥異，地方上的情況可能大異於全島層次所見圖像。從村落層次來看，各地通婚率差異很大，但仍有一定規律可循。在地方上相對人口規模愈小的群體，通常愈能接受跨族通婚。換言之，在平埔村落中居於少數的漢人，其通婚率高於全島水平甚多。本文也檢視若干被認為影響通婚的因素。結果顯示，彼得‧布勞的結構理論可以解釋工業化之前的臺灣社會； 鮑梅立提出的四個說法則不具普遍性。

This research analyzes the prevalence of intermarriage between the Pingpu (plains aborigines) and the Han people between 1905 and 1945 by using the demographic data and the household registration files from eight Pingpu villages. On the island-wide level, only a meagre percentage of Han people intermarried with Pingpu people –below 0.5% among the Hoklo and below 1% among the Hakka. Nevertheless, approximately one-third of the Pingpu people intermarried with Han people. In other words, the Han people were able to exert a disproportionate if not prevailing impact on the Pingpu people due to inter-ethnic marital relations, while the impact of the Pingpu people on the Han people was minuscule. On the village level, there is a considerable geographical disparity in intermarriage rates, though some patterns can be identified. The smaller the population of the ethnic group was in a locale, the more likely it was to accept inter-ethnic marriages. In other words, interethnic marriages among minority Han living within Pingpu villages occurred at a more significant rate than the island average. This research also examines the factors regarded as contributive to intermarriage. The results show that Peter Blau’s macrostructural theory could explain preindustrial Taiwanese society, but Melissa Brown’s four claims are not universal.

歷史人口學;族群關係;招贅婚;纏足

historical demography; ethnic relation; uxorilocal marriage; foot binding